Program Outcomes for Youth

Wolfgang, M., & Ferracuti, F. (1967). The subculture of violence. London: Travistock. 

Wolfgang, M., & Ferracuti, F. (1982). The subculture of violence (2nd edition). London: Travistock. 
 

The culture of violence theory is a socio-cultural theory that explores the influence of the larger culture upon the individuals within it. The key component theories of violence (e.g., availability of guns, gang membership, incidences of mob violence, glamorized violence) attempt to explain the etiology of aggressive behavior but each have failed to provide a comprehensive explanat ion for violence. Recently a shift has occurred in the social sciences whereby greater emphasis is being placed on interrelatedness of the individual, interpersonal, and macrosocial variables.

Instinct Theory: 

Freud, S. (1950). Beyond the pleasure principle. New York: Liveright. 

Lorenz, K. (1966). On aggression. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. 

McDougall, W. (1908). Introduction to Social Psychology. London: Methuen. 

Trotter, W. (1916). Instincts of the herd in peace and war. New York: Macmillan. 
 

Instinct theories assert that aggressive behavior is rooted in biological or instinctual influences. Proponents of instinct theory argue that humans are prewired for an instinctive aggressive energy that requires no prior learning. Rather, its release is contingent upon provocation by specific environmental and interpersonal social stimuli. The implication is that violence prevention efforts are futile since aggression is caused by unchangeable biological or instinctual factors. Although instinct theories are useful for understanding the neurophysiological processes involved in aggression, they ignore the impact of learned cognitive and social factors.

Drive Theory: 

Dollard, J., Doob, L. W., Miller, N. E., Mowrer, O. H., & Sears, R. R. (1939). Frustration and aggression. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 

Berkowitz, L. (1982). Aversive conditions as stimuli to aggression. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 15, pp. 3-15). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. 

Berkowitz, L. (1989). The frustration-aggression hypothesis: An examination and reformulation. Psychological Bullentin, 106, 59-73. 
 

Drive theory suggests that aggressive behaviors are motivated by internal drives initiated by external stimuli. The most prominent drive theory is the frustration-aggression theory developed in 1939 by Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears. They argue that the occurrence of aggressive behavior always presupposes the existence of frustration and contrariwise, the existence of frustration always leads to some form of aggression. Although frustration is viewed by most social scientists as a likely cause of aggression, it is believed that to a greater extent, responses are determined by learned social and cognitive factors.

Conflict Theory: 

Dahrendorf, R (1968). Essays in the theory of society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 
 

According to conflict theory, conflict is a normal and inevitable part of human interactions and relationships. It is not conflict per se that is problematic but rather the maladaptive ways with which humans tend to respond to conflict. From this perspective then, violence can be viewed as a maladaptive mode of resolving conflict when other modes of resolution fail or break down. Break down may occur due to faulty conflict management processes, lack of conflict resolution skills, or lack of perceived options.

 

Psychopathology Theory: 

Lewis, D. O., Shanock, S. S., Pincus, J. H., & Glaser, G. H. (1979). Violent juvenile delinquents: Psychiatric, neurological, psychological, and abuse factors. Journal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatry, 2, 591-602. 
 

Psychopathological theories contend that mental abnormalities and disorders are the causal agents of violence. In contrast to situational or stimulus provocation, research in this area suggests that aggressive behavior are associated with neural and severe psychological trauma. Psychopharmacological methods are often the intervention of choice.

 

Social-learning Theory: 

Bandura, A., & Walters, R. H. (1963). Social learning and personality development. New York: Hold, Rinehart, & Winston. 

Bandura, A., & Walters, R. H. (1959). Adolescent aggression. New York: Ronald. 

Parke, R. D., & Slaby, R. G. (1983). The development of aggression. In P. H. Mussen (Series Ed.), and E. M. Hetherington (Vol. Ed.), Hand book of child psychology (Vol. 4, pp. 547-641). New York: Wiley. 
 

Social-learning theory is based primarily on the early work of Bandura and Walters (1959). The basic premise is that aggressive behavior is acquired and maintained through observational learning, direct experience, and self-regulative influences. Research in the area of social-learning focuses on controllable environmental, cognitive, and self-regulative factors that may lead to aggression. However, social learning theory ignores the social context within which behavior is learned or performed.

 
Social Cognition Theory: 
 
Social cognition theory is a set of principles that has yet to be integrated into a single overarching theory. The focus of these theories is how cognitive factors may help to account for the acquisition, maintenance, developmental changes, and control or prevention of aggression and violence. Cognitive factors are hypothesized to: be acquired through learning, contribute to proactive exposures and interpretations of social experiences, mediate aggressive responses to particular social experiences, account for individual consistencies and continuities in patterns of aggression, victimization, and bystander support for violence, and be amenable to change (Pepler & Slaby, 1994). Thus, the theory argues that certain cognitive components, such as attributions, attitudes, and beliefs, mediate the effects of strong emotional arousal on the violent behavioral responses of the aggressor, and because these cognitive components are learned, they are changeable. 
 
Dodge, K. A. (1991). The structure and function of reactive and proactive aggression. In D. J. Pepler, & K. H. Rubin (Eds.), The development and treatment of childhood aggression (pp. 201-218). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. 

Pepler, D. J., & Slaby, R. G. (1994). Theoretical and developmental perspectives on youth and violence. In L. D. Eron, J. H. Gentry, & P. Schlegel (Eds.), Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth. Washington, D. C.: American Psychological Association. 
 
Other Theoretical Perspectives: 
 
Impression Management: 

Felson, R. B. (1982). Impression management and the escalation of aggression and violence. Social Psychology Quarterly, 45 (4), 245-254. 
 

According to impression management, the basic determinate of aggression is a perceived intentional attack. Among the hypotheses tested by the author were: persons were more likely to verbally attach an antagonist during a conflict if they were insulted; males were more likely than females to attack an antagonist verbally when they have been insulted; and conflicts were likely to be more severe when there were third parties present. Findings generally support the hypotheses and the impression management theory of aggression and violence. Although this article is not specifically geared towards adolescents per se, the information and findings could be extrapolated and assist towards an understanding of adolescent aggression and violence.

 
Felson, R. B. (1981). An interactionist approach to aggression. In. J. T. Tedeschi (Ed.), Impression management theory and social psychological research. New York: Academic Press. 
 

The authors look at aggression from the point of view of symbolic interaction theory with an emphasis on impression management. It is argued that some studies are available describing the situational factors in homicide and assault and a few examine the interaction of the participants and processual development of the incident. But that no one has described quantitatively what actually occurs in aggressive interactions. In order to study aggression quantitatively, a procedure is developed describing the sequence of events that occur in aggressive encounters of varying severity. Aggression is discussed as an interactive dynamics and processual development of aggressive encounters, the legitimization of aggression, aggression as punishment for deviance, the norm of reciprocity, and the "fair fight."

Mason, W. A. (1998). Impression management, violence, and self-esteem: A social interactionist approach to coercive action among adolescent males. Dissertation: University of Nevada, Reno. 
 

In this study, coercion as a form of strategic self-presentation among adolescent males was examined. Data from the first two waves of the Youth in Transition study of 2,213 tenth-grade adolescent males were reanalyzed using structural equation modeling procedures. Results showed that external locus of control among the respondents had no influence on subsequent aggression. In addition, contrary to expectations, involvement in aggression led to more external locus of control and to decreased self-esteem. Further analyses revealed that self-esteem had a significant negative effect on aggression only for those with stable self-esteem. Overly positive self-appraisals of intellectual ability were not associated with coercive action among the young men. The results suggest that investigations of the link between self-esteem and aggression should look beyond global levels of self-worth to the influence of other factors such as self-esteem. The findings also suggest that violence might be reduced by providing young men (and women) with opportunities to develop a more stable sense of self-worth within the context of supportive reference groups.

 
Reviews of Juvenile Violence Literature: 

Englander, E., K. (1997). Understanding violence. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 
 

In presenting a summary of what we know about the causes and effects of violence, this work draws on contemporary research and theory in sociology, clinical psychology, psychiatry, social work, neuropsychology, behavioral genetics, child development, and education. Emphasized are the interactive role of nature and nurture in development. The book is divided into two sections. The first section entitled general issues discusses issues such as commonality of violence, the social causes of violence, television and violence, and biosocial model of violence. The second section entitled special issues addresses issues such as substance abuse, gangs, sexual assault, spouse homicide, and child abuse and physical punishment. An epilogue discusses preventing and controlling crime. An extensive reference section is provided.

 
Loeber, R., & Stouthamer-Loeber, M. (1998). Development of Juvenile aggression and violence: Some common misconceptions and controversies. American Psychologist, 53 (2), 242-259. 
 

Addressed are five misconceptions and controversies concerning the development of aggression and violence in adolescents. The five misconceptions and controversies were selected because of their importance to the field and because of their relevance for applications a nd the formulation of theories. Each is discussed in the context of empirical findings. The five categories are: 1) misconception that high stability coefficients of aggression over time imply that discontinuity of aggression from childhood to early adult hood are negligible; 2) misconception that all serious forms of violence have an origin in aggression during early childhood; 3) the assumption that the development of violence in women is very similar to that in men; 4) the controversy about whether a single pathway or multiple pathways best represent individuals' development of antisocial behavior, including violence; and 5) the controversy about whether causes of violence are similar to the causes of property offending.

 
Prothrow-Stith, D., & Weissman, M. (1991). Deadly consequences. New York: Harper-Collins. 
 

A former U. S. Surgeon General who declared that violence is a public health issue is the author of this book. Youth violence is presented from a variety of perspectives, including teaching our kids to kill, poverty, adolescence as a time of dangerous passage, violence and young males, and especially young males of color, gangs, and drugs and gangs. A public health approach is presented along with information for helping prevent violence in families, schools, and communities.

 
Pepler, D. J., & Slaby, R. G. (1994). Theoretical and developmental perspectives on youth and violence. In L. D. Eron, J. H. Gentry, & P. Schlegel (Eds.), Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth. Washington, D. C.: American Psychological Association. 
 

The initial portion of this chapter provides an overview of the theoretical foundations regarding the etiology and development of aggression and violence and includes brief summaries of the leading theories of aggression and violence. The second portion of the chapter focuses on gender differences in the development of aggression and violence. Examined are biological factors, type of aggression, socialization experiences, and developmental outcomes of aggression and violence. The chapter concludes with suggestions for prevention, intervention, and social policy development on adolescent violence and aggression.

 
State Justice Institute (1996). Juvenile violence: A guide to research. Reno, NV: National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges. 
 

This guide is based on a selective review of the research literature on juvenile violence. The stated objective was to identify reports and findings related to the needs of the courts to understand juvenile violence and plan appropriate responses. Among the topics presented are the general characteristics of the juvenile population, statistics, types of violence, risk factors, gender issues, and violence prevention and intervention. The prevention and intervention is broken into appropriate age groups including prenatal/perinatal, birth to age 4, ages 4-6, ages 7-12, and adolescence (ages 13-18).

 
Bullying, School-related Violence and Victimization: 

Felson, R. B., Liska, A. E., South, S. J., & McNulty, T. L. (1994). The subculture of violence and delinquency: Individual vs. school context affects. Social Forces, 73 (1), 155-173. 
 

Data was obtained from the first two waves of the Youth in Transition data set, a multi-wave panel study. This panel study consisted of personal in terviews and questionnaires administered to 2,213 high school boys. The first-wave consisted of data obtained from interviews conducted with sophomores attending 87 randomly selected public high schools. The second wave was conducted at the end of their junior year (18 months later). The research indicates that individual values regarding violence varies significantly among high schools such that in some high schools an aggressive response to provocation is more likely to meet with peer approval than in other schools. Violence was consistently found to be related to the values in the school independent of the adolescent's own individual-level values. This suggests a social control process and contradicts the usual explanation of how the subculture of violence may affect violent behavior. Subcultural differences in values were more likely to be found for real groups that were small and which involved social interaction between members. These findings suggest a limitation to the subculture of violence thesis: the effects of subculture of violence appear to reflect more general effects of a subculture of delinquency. Support was found in that the values regarding violence generally predict other forms of delinquency as well as they predict violence. It is argued that some groups are more violent than others because they have a distinctive set of values that either support or tolerate violence.

 
Fried, S., & Fried, P. (1996). Bullies & victims: Helping your child survive the schoolyard battlefield. New York: M. Evans and Company, Inc. 
 

Bullying is a complex factor involving culture, community, school, family, and individual influences. These authors discuss bullying with relation to physical abuse, verbal abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and sibling abuse. Strategies are presented for empowering children against bullies and for adult intervention. Specific preventive strategies and programs are suggested and designed to engage the parents, teachers, school administrators, students, and youth workers. They argue that the first step is to build a national consensus that bullying is unacceptable behavior and will not be tolerated anywhere that children congregate.

 
Garofalo, J., Siegel, L., & Laub, J. (1987). School-related victimizations among adolescents: An analysis of National Crime Survey (NCS) narratives. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 3 (4), 321-338. 
 

Narrative information from the National Crime Survey (NCS) is used to explore school-related adolescent to adolescent victimizations. Data analysis suggests that in large part, victimizations result from peer interactions that occur in the course of routine daily activities and then escalate to violence. Most offenses occurred among adolescents that knew each other to some extent: well known (23%), casual acquaintances (31%), or known by sight only (25%). Victimizations appeared to be the result of bullying, injured pride resulting from perceived insults, and misguided mischief rather than the result of calculated, predatory attempts to injure. Discussed is the possibility of reducing or thwarting victimization through the presence of a capable guardian (a capable adult) and by supervision along the routes to and from school.

 
Glover, D., & Cartwright, N., with Gleeson, D. (1998). Towards bully-free schools: Interventions in action. Buckingham: Open University Press. 
 

In designing their intervention, the authors recognize that families and the community are both involved in the development of policies designed to make school life more enjoyable for students. The curriculum provided can be integrated with school activities and subject curriculum. The questions identify how schools can change attitudes leading to a decline in all forms of bullying behavior, how action against bullying leads to greater life quality in teaching and learning, and effects on long-term school environment. Four positive trends were identified from the research: increased awareness by schools for action against anti-social behavior, a decrease in the incidence of serious and repeated acts of bullying, evidence that most students want a better school environment and are willing to work towards it, and recognition of individual rights to equality of opportunity.

 
Hoffman, A. M. (1996). Schools, violence, and society. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. 
 

This book presents a collection of authors and their work relating to issues of violence in the school. Section one features articles focusing on the problem of school violence, specifically with relation to violence in the classroom, weapon carrying, and gangs. Section two reviews the causes of school violence with a focus on the media and television violence and the influence of child abuse and family violence. The third section considers the issues of school security and related legal issues. Sections four and five discuss specific programs and strategies employed by schools around the United States for reducing school violence. In the final section, Section five, a community-based approach is discussed. Included for ease of reference are a selected bibliography, index, subject index, and summary information on the contributors.

 Merton, D. E. (1997). The meaning of meanness: popularity, competition, and conflict among junior high school girls. Sociology of Education, 70, 175-191. 
 

The author proposes that exploring meanness is a starting point for understanding the connections between competition, conflict, and popularity among high school females. It is argued that examining these connections in the context of a "clique" allows a better understanding of the socio-cultural construction of meanness in junior high school.

 
Pellegrini, A. D. (1998). Bullies and victims in school: A review and call for research. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 19 (2), 165-176. 
 

It is argued by the author that much of school violence is perpetrated by a specific group of youngsters, namely, bullies, and their aggression is focused towards a very limited group of victims. Bullies are defined as "youngsters who systematically and repeatedly target another group against whom they aggress either directly or physically or indirectly and relationally." Although there is considerable recent work containing self-report and laboratory studies, Pellegrini argues it is time to compliment this work with direct and indirect observational methods in natural settings. The literature review cites extensively recent research on bullies. Topic areas include a description of both the bully and the victim, the establishment and maintenance of bully-victim relationships, and both methodological and ethical issues. The author suggests two models that may explain bully-victim relationships that may guide future research: the instrumental use of aggression against weaker peers, and that aggressive victims may use aggression reactively rather than proactively.

 
Sudermann, M., Jaffe, P. G., & Hastings, E. (1995). Violence prevention programs in secondary (high) schools. In E. Peled, P. G. Jaffe, & J. L. Edleson (Eds.), Ending the cycle of violence: Community responses to children of battered women. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 
 

These authors describe the aspects of violence in relationships and their effects on students and on the larger community. Divided into sections, the chapter reviews the scope of the problem, describes groups that need to become involved if violence prevention in schools and communities is to become a reality, suggestions for starting preventive programs and for teacher and student programs, including awareness events and curriculum integration, advice on handling disclosures of violence, locating resources, and finally, how to evaluate and obtain feedback from a violence prevention program. The authors argue that large-scale attitude changes can be achieved regarding violence in relationships and that adolescents can play a critical role in shaping a violence-free society and in offering assistance to peers in violent relationships.

Adolescent Sex Offenders, Sexual Violence & Dating Violence: 

Bergman, L. (1992). Dating violence among high school students. Social Work, 37 (1), 21-27. 
 

Students (n = 631) from three Midwestern suburban, rural, and inner-city schools were assessed regarding their experiences with sexual, physical, and verbal dating violence. The schools differed significantl in racial composition, average family income, and occupational trend. Findings indicate that the average proportion of students in the sample reporting sexual dating violence was 10.5%. The majority told no one about the violence, and those who reported physical violence also reported continuing to date the perpetrators of the violence. Of those who reported physical or sexual violence, 40.9% of the males and 45.1% of the females reported repeat physical violence. The incidences of severe violence were found to be related to number of dating partners, poor academic performance, and frequency of dating. The highest incidence of dating violence was found in the suburban schools, followed by inner-city schools, and rural schools, respectively. The implications for practice are considered.

 
Cowan, G., & Campbell, R. R. (1995). Rape causal attitudes among adolescents. The Journal of Sex Research, 32 (2), 145-153. 
 

High school students from California (N = 453) were compared on five possible causes of rape: male dominance, female precipitation, society, male sexuality, and male pathology. Results indicate that gender, ethnicity, age, and communication sources about rape, including pornography, were related to attitudes about the causes of rape. Overall, adolescents more strongly believed that rape is caused by individual perpetrator and victim characteristics than by structural factors related to societal forces and the ideology of male dominance. Each gender located the primary cause of rape in the individual characteristics of the other gender. Females rated male pathology as the most likely cause of rape, while males believed more strongly in female precipitation and less strongly in male pathology and male dominance than did females. Implications for rape educators are discussed.

 
Davis, G. E., & Leitenberg, H. (1987). Adolescent sex offenders. Psychological Bulletin, 101 (3), 417-427. 
 

This article reviews the literature on sexual offences committed by adolescents. Reviewed are offense and victim characteristics, offender characte ristics, and recidivism and treatment. Among the consistent findings: 1) adolescents account for a large share of the sexual offenses committed in this country, 2) two-thirds of the offenses are against younger children and are committed by acquaintances or relatives of the victim, 3) there are generally more female than male victims, 4) almost all adolescent sex offenders are male, 5) sex offenders frequently have a history of physical abuse, behavioral and school disturbances are common but no more common than among the history of delinquents who do not commit sexual offenses, and 6) adolescent sex offenders claim to have more sexual experiences, including consenting ones, than do comparison groups. The authors suggest that one way in which future research can increase our understanding of adolescent sexual offenders is by giving greater attention to studies that involve matched comparison groups.

 
Johnson, J. D., Adams, M. S., Ashburn, L., & Reed, W. (1995). Differential gender effects of exposure to rap music on African American adolescents\rquote acceptance of teen dating violence. Sex Roles, 33 (7/8), 597-605. 
 

The effects of exposure to nonviolent rap music on African American adolescents' perceptions of teen dating violence were assessed using data from 30 males and 30 females, ages 11-16, from inner city, low income families. Subjects were exposed to nonviolent rap videos (which contained images of women in sexually subordinate roles) or they saw no videos. All subjects read a vignette involving teen dating violence perpetrated by a male. Findings indicate that the effects of exposure to the rap videos were moderated by gender. Specifically, females exposed to the videos reported greater acceptance of teen dating violence than females who were not exposed to the videos. Male acceptance of teen dating violence did not vary as a function of exposure to the videos. Implications are discussed in terms of schematic constructs and prior attitudes.

 
O'Keefe, M. (1997). Predictors of dating violence among high school students. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12 (4), 546-568. 
 

Using a social-learning-theory-based model, dating violence was examined in a racially/ethnically and socioeconomically diverse sample of high school students. The sample consisted of 939 high school students living in a large west coast metropolitan city. The racial composition was 53% Latino, 20% White, and 13% African-American, 6.7% Asian American, and 7% other. The Conflict Tactics Scales were used to assess the amount of dating violence inflicted. Results indicated that violence in dating was fairly frequent and that 43% of the females and 39% of the males reported inflicting some form of physical aggression on their dating partner at least once. Both males and females reported that males were more frequently the initiators of dating violence. Both sexes reported that to show anger was the most frequent for violent acts. Analysis of variance indicated that African-American youths reported inflicting the most dating violence. A multiple regression analysis for males however indicated no significant racial/ethnic differences when the effects of socio-demographic, contextual, and situational variables were controlled. The limitations of the study are addressed in terms of self-report data, convenience sample, and the violence reported neither the extent of injury inflicted nor the context of the violent act.

 
Worling, J. R. (1995). Adolescent sex offenders against females: Differences based on the age of their victims. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 39 (3), 276-293. 
 

The authors argue that arbitrarily combining information from studies of adolescent rapists, child molesters, obscene callers, exhibitionists, and voyeurs obscures potentially critical differences between the subgroups. Data was obtained from 102 adolescent male sex offenders, ages 12-19. Information regarding sexual offenses and victimization was obtained from regular meetings (mean duration of meeting was 13 months) as opposed to intake files or interviews. Data was also collected from the following questionnaires: Youth Self-Report, Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory, Tennessee Self-concept Scale, Beck Depression Inventory, Rape-Myth Acceptance Scale, Adversarial Sexual Attitude Scale, and the Assessing Environments (III) Scale. Results indicate that those adolescents who sexually assaulted female peers or adults were significantly more likely to have received more physical parental discipline. Limitations are discussed in terms of self-reports and that only those individuals who had sexual offended were identified, resulting in a sample that may not be representative of the population of sexual offending individuals.

Gang Violence and Gang-related Issues: 

Evans, W., Albers, E., Macari, D., & Mason, A. (1996). Suicide ideation, attempts and abuse among incarcerated gang and non-gang delinquents. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 13 (2), 115-126. 
 

Self-reported data was collected from 334 males and 61 females who were incarcerated in Nevada youth correctional facilities. Over 58% of the males and 45% of the females reported gang membership. Females, more than males, reported higher rates of physical and sexual abuse, as well as suicide attempts. Non-gang members, more than gang members reported more suicide attempts and reported more incidents of sexual abuse. Limitations to the study are defined in terms of the small female sample and vulnerability to over and under-reporting biases due to the use of self-report measures. Future research suggestions include the need to study youth from differing cultures and environments with regards to suicide ideation and attempts in order to actually assess the risks associated with varying levels of ideation and suicide attempts. In addition, prospective longitudinal studies are needed to delineate the causal links among abuse, gang involvement, delinquency, and suicidal behaviors.

 
Goldstein, A. P., & Soriano, F. I. (1994). Juvenile gangs. In L. D. Eron, J.H. Gentry, & P. Schlegel (Eds.), Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 
 

These authors provide a history, definitions, and demographics telated to gang membership among adolescents. Explored are the role of drugs, turf disputes, codes of honor, and the availability of guns as related to increases in homicide and aggravated assaults among gang members. Theory and programming interventions are discussed from several disciplines namely: clinical, social, developmental, and community psychology. They provide a culturally sensitive programming model which focuses upon awareness, knowledge, and skills needed by program developers when developing interventions programs among diverse ethnic groups.

Howell, J. C. (1997). Juvenile justice and youth violence. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 
 

This chapter is a summary of two reports prepared by the author that review gang literature and youth gang violence prevention. Reviewed in this article are research and data on the involvement of youth gangs in drug trafficking and homicides, along with the history of youth gang programming. Specific suggestions are made for reducing homicides by youth gang members and for reducing gang participation. The "Comprehensive Community-wide Approach to Gang Violence Prevention, Intervention, and Suppression Program" is discussed in detail. This program emphasizes community change as the main theoretical approach. A version of this program and considered to be one of the most promising gang violence prevention and intervention programs is the "Gang Violence Reduction Program" being conducted in an area of Chicago. The program involves the use of suppression, social intervention, opportunities provision, and community mobilization.

 
Klein, M. W., Maxson, C. L., & Miller, J. (1995). The modern gang reader. Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury Publishing Company. 
 

This work provides a comprehensive selection of gang-related literature of what seems to be the most salient issues surrounding current gang-related issues and controversies. Each article includes a brief introduction and a list of additional readings that were seriously considered for inclusion in this volume. Section one concerns the nature of gangs and begins with definitions of gangs, examples of different kinds of groups that can be classified as gangs and articles specifically focused on females in gangs. Section two reviews the criminal involvement of gang members focusing on what is known about gangs, including theories and research methods. Section three focuses on the anti-social behavior of gangs. Section four contains pertains to gang programs and policies. Three articles are presented, each with a different emphasis: the attempt to orient gang members in a more prosocial direction, the use of strong law enforcement procedures to crack down on gangs and deter criminal behavior, and examples of alternative social policies when dealing with gangs.

Media Influence on Violence: 

Anderson, C. A. (1997). Effects of violent movies and trait hostility on hostile feelings and aggressive thoughts. Aggressive Behavior, 23, 161-178. 
 

These author argue that consensus is beginning to emerge among researchers that observing violence in films can significantly increase the violence of the observer. One way that violent media may increase acts of violence is through its effects on affect and through cognitive accessibility of aggressive thoughts. Results from a study investigating the effects of affective and cognitive variables proposed to underlie movie violence effects on aggressive behavior indicated that watching a brief clip of moderately violent scenes produced an increase in feelings of hostility. Further, watching the violent movie clip increased the relative accessibility of aggressive thoughts and this accessibility to aggressive thoughts was more prevalent in males than females. The audience had not been provoked in any way. The authors discuss the possibility that hostile thoughts and feelings may arise early in the aggressive behavior sequence. Too, the relative accessibility of aggressive behavior programs and scripts could influence aggressive thoughts, and affect may prime specific intentions to act. Other speculations concern those individuals who start out with higher levels of state hostility, the implications for their participants not having been provoked, and effects of long-term exposure to violent media depictions.

 
Danish, S. J., & Donohue, T. R. (1996). Understanding the media's influence on the development of antisocial and prosocial behavior. In R. L. Hampton, P. Jenkins, & T. P. Gullotta (Eds.), Preventing violence in America. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 
 

Rather than discussing only the negative influences of the media, these authors discuss both the positive and the negative influences. This stance is taken in a belief that the media provides major educational tools that have been ove rshadowed by the negative influence perspectives. The first part of their discussion focuses on the concept of health-compromising and health-enhancing behaviors relating to life-span development with special attention paid to the concept of life skills and their relationship to healthy development. From here the articles moves on to examine the historical relationship between societal violence and the media and the research models and methods used to study this relationship, as well as results of selected studies. The article then moves on to an exploration of the impact of the media in teaching prosocial behavior and life skills. Finally, the authors present a model is depicting the media as a resource and explain how this resource can be used productively. According to the authors, conclusions drawn from the effects of the media on youth, regardless of the nature of the content, show that the media generally reinforces preexisting attitudes, behaviors, and tastes; children learn both positive and negative behaviors from the media and these learned behaviors persist over time; there is an inverse relationship between the potential effect of television and the impact of the family on children; for most people, under most circumstances, the media has little impact as prosocial and antisocial messages cancel each other out of the viewers repositories of potential actions; most media effects are incidental and unintended effects; and visual media is an unparalleled source for learning about the world we live in.

 
Derksen, D. J., & Strasburger, V. C. (1996). Media and television violence: Effects on violence, aggression, and antisocial behaviors in children. In A. M. Hoffman (Ed.), Schools, violence, and society. West Port, CT: Praeger Publishers. 
 

These authors argue that television has a powerful influence on the development of unhealthy activities, negative attitudes, and antisocial behaviors of adolescents and that the effect is subtle and ingrained over time by the repetition of images and stereotypes. Specifically, these images and stereotypes promote distorted conceptions and information about gender roles and violence as an acceptable solution to conflict resolution. Media violence is discussed in terms of television, rock videos, video games, and commercialism and their effects on school violence. They contend that the major effects of violence, antisocial behavior, and aggression in the media can be placed into six categories: displacement of healthy activities, the modeling of inappropriate behavior, disinhibition, desensitization, aggressive arousal, and association with risk-taking behavior. Factors influencing violent and antisocial behaviors in schools include how aggression is depicted (e.g., how directed toward women, justified retribution) and rewarded aggression. Suggestions are made for limiting the effects of negative television on youth.

 
Donnerstein, E., Slaby, R. G., & Eron, L. D. (1994). The mass media and youth aggression. In L. D. Eron, J.H. Gentry, & P. Schlegel (Eds.), Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 
 

The authors argue that violence in the mass media is a significant contributor to aggressive behavior and aggression-related attitudes among adolescents an d children. Overall, viewing violence in the media can lead to youth increasing violence toward others. Additionally, viewing violence in the media can lead to increases in the callousness toward violence among others, increased fearfulness about becoming victims of violence, and increased self-initiated behavior that exposes one to further risk of violence. Discussed is a summary of research findings and recent additional support for these findings, as well as theoretical models offered by psychologists t o account for the relations between aggressive behavior and exposure to mass media violence are reviewed. In conclusion there are suggestions for interventions to reduce or prevent violence among youth and policy recommendations.

 
Friedlander, B. Z. (1993). Community violence, children's development, and mass media: In pursuit of new insights, new goals, and new strategies. Psychiatry, 56, 66-81. 
 

The author argues that direct models of interpersonal violence in families and in communities probably give rise to more violent behavior than the indirect effects of the media. Using data from meta-analysis which indicates that prosocial media messages have greater effects on behavior than antisocial messages, it is argued that the media can play a strong and positive role in alleviating some of the distress of victims of community violence and redirecting behaviors of victimizers so as to protect children.

 
Tedeschi, J. T., & Felson, R. B. (1994). Violence, aggression, and coercive actions. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 
 

Authors reviewed the theoretical mechanisms that researchers have associated with the effects of the media on violent behaviors. These include imitation of media models, vicarious reinforcement, cultural spillover, cognitive modeling, desensitization, creation of unrealistic fear, and the routine activities approach to crime. Summaries of these theories are followed by empirical evidence of media effects on aggression. They conclude that exposure to media violence probably does have a small effect on violent behavior. The authors base this tentative conclusion on consistent results from laboratory experiments, supporting evidence from field experiments, research on the effects of highly publicized violence on homicide and suicide rates, the tendency for political and hijacking violence to occur in waves, and anecdotal evidence that indicates that bizarre events in the media are often followed by similar events in the real world. If there is a media effect on violent behaviors, the mechanism involved is unclear and leads the authors to believe that the message sent by the media regarding the legitimacy of violence is ambiguous and likely to have different effects on different viewers.

 
Adolescent Homicide, Parracide and Parental-Focused Violence: 
 
Busch, K. G., Zagar, R., Hughes, J. R., Arbit, J., & Bussell, R. E. (1990). Adolescents who kill. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 46 (4), 472-485. 
 

Seventy-one adolescent delinquents, 4 females and 67 males ages 10 to 17, who were convicted of homicide were matched with 71 nonviolent adolescent delinquents by age, race, sex, and socioeconomic status. Results indicate that adjudicated (judged in court) adolescents who kill have a tetrad of symptoms that differentiate them from adjudicated but nonviolent adolescents. Specifically, the symptoms were criminally violent family members, gang membership, severe educational difficulties, and alcohol abuse. The authors argue that adolescents who kill are not exotic individuals but persons with violent, abusive, inconsistent, and aggressive environments.

 
Hardwick, P. J., & Rowton-Lee, M. A. (1996). Adolescent homicide: Towards assessment of risk. Journal of Adolescence, 19, 263-276. 
 

The author argues that in the training of child and adolescent mental health professionals the assessment and management of dangerousness to others is frequently overlooked. A review of the relevant literature on homicidal youth is presented and background factors relevant to risk are described. Background factors include witnessing serious violence and abuse through neglect and deprivation. Those youth most at risk are those with the greatest number and degree of severity of risk factors. One problem discussed by the authors is the lack of effective intervention programs when assessment indicates high risk of dangerousness. Directions for future research are discussed.

 
Myers, W. C., Scott, K., Burgessd, A. W., & Burgess, A. G. (1995). Psychopathology, biopsychosocial factors, crime characteristics, and classification of 25 homicidal youths. Journal of American Academy of Child Adolescent Psychiatry, 34 (11), 1483-1489. 
 

Using a combination of diagnostic interviews, clinical interviews, record reviews, and other available relevant data, 25 homicidal children and adolescents, ages 7-17 were assessed. The sample consisted of 28% white adolescents, 68% black, and 4% other. Only 12% of the sample were female. It was found that histories of abuse, prior violence, arrests, and promiscuous sexual behaviors were typical, as were family and school dysfunction. Crime-based and conflict-based motives were evenly divided. A weapon was used in 96% of the crimes. One finding of interest indicated that those adolescents that committed a sexual homicide were more likely to have engaged in overkill, used a knife, and been armed beforehand. The authors suggest that research is needed in three areas: the area of homicidal motivations by youths before specific interventions can be implemented, longitudinal studies to test whether school and school-based family interventions can reduce violent behavior, increase school performance, and decrease family dysfunction, and the use of standardized terminology for communication purposes in future studies of youth who murder.

Poverty and Violence: 

Greene, M. B. (1993). Chronic exposure to violence and poverty: Interventions that work for youth. Crime & Delinquency, 39 (1), 106-124. 
 

Three assumptions form the basis for the article: exposure to poverty and violence is traumatic, that specific deleterious effects result from these traumas, and that specific programmatic interventions must be adopted to counter these effects. Adolescents need assistance in finding something to believe in, finding network support, and finding opportunities that provide satisfying and productive forms of expression. It is argued that for programs to work neighborhood youth centers must engage adolescents in program planning and operation. It is argued that for programs to be successful it is essential that they include the following nine elements: street outreach and referral; needs and interest assessments; provisions for supportive, personal relationships with adults; availability of role models; peer groups discussions; family interventions; neighborhood projects; education and job preparedness training; and program objectives.

Gender Differences In the Development of Aggressive and Violent Behaviors: 

Pepler, D. J., & Slaby, R. G. (1994). Theoretical and developmental perspectives on youth and violence. In L. D. Eron, J.H. Gentry, & P. Schlegel (Eds.), Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 
 

A brief overview of research on gender differences is provided beginning with the fact that historically, research on gender differences was limited to studies of males due to the assumption that aggression was primarily a male domain. Thus, though information regarding aggression in females is limited there is growing recognition that biology is not t he primary determinate of gender differences in aggression. Rather, biological influences are closely intertwined with social and psychological factors. Gender differences are also attributed to socialization within the family and among peers. However, women today are challenging the traditional, stereotypic roles in society, roles that may be responsible for contributing to gender differences in aggression. And over the past decade researchers have noticed a decline in gender differences in aggression. One explanation given for this decline is changing societal norms and roles for the genders. Some discussion is given to developmental outcomes with regards to regression. It is suggested that due to differences in the developmental trajectories of males and females there is a need to search for the long-term sequelae of aggressive behavior problems in different domains for males and females. Thus it is critical to look at the influences of the social milieus of adolescents at various stages of development before developing and implementing violence prevention and intervention programs.

Sibling Violence: 
 Felson, R. B. (1983). Aggression and violence between siblings. Social Psychology Quarterly, 46 (4), 271-285. 
 

Two theoretical models for sibling violence and aggression are discussed. The sibling rival model implies that conflicts occur more frequently when siblings are of the same sex and when the younger sibling is more successful or more favored by parents. Thus the model suggests that aggression between siblings is a reflection of jealousy and nonrealistic conflict. The realistic conflict model suggests that sibling conflicts arise over tangible goods and the performance of devalued tasks due to unclear proprietary rights and division of labor. If parental intervention is anticipated, overt conflict is likely to occur because the younger sibling is then willing to fight their more powerful older sibling. This model predicts that the greater the age difference (and thus strength) between the siblings the more the younger sibling will seek parental intervention. The more the parents intervene, the more willing the younger sibling is to fight. If the age difference between the siblings is large and the parents take on a Laissez-faire approach or if they have invested greater authority in the older sibling then aggression is less. In this study support was found for the realistic conflict model but not for the sibling rivalry model.

  Worling, J. R. (1995). Adolescent sibling-incest offenders: Differences in family and individual functioning when compared to adolescent nonsibling sex offenders. Child Abuse & Neglect, 19 (5), 633-643. 
 

A study of 60 adolescent male sex offenders found that adolescent sibling-incest offenders reported significantly more marital discord, parental rejection, physical discipline, negative family atmosphere, and general dissatisfaction with family relationships. Sibling-incest offenders were also more likely to have been victims of childhood sexual abuse and to have younger siblings in the family than were nonsibling offenders. The results indicate that physical, emotional, and verbal family violence, together with a history of sexual victimization and the availability of younger siblings, are associated with the development of adolescent sibling-incest offenses.

Substance Abuse and Adolescent Violence: 

Kingery, P. M., Mirzaee, E., Pruitt, B. E., Hurley, R. S., & Heuberger, G. (1991). Rural communities near large metropolitan areas: Safe havens from adolescent violence and drug use? Health Values, 15 (4), 39-48. 
 

Most violent acts occurring within the educational environment are adolescent-to-adolescent and drugs are often directly or indirectly involved in these violent acts. This study consisted of 1004 8th and 10th grade adolescent students in 23 small central Texas communities surrounding the Houston metropolitan area and having an average daily attendance of fewer than 5,000 students. Among the variables assessed were the prevalence of violence among the students compared to national norms, their beliefs, and behaviors regarding violence, and the connection between those factors and drug use. Results indicated that more than half of the boys (53.2%) and one-fifth of the girls (20.5%) reported engaging in at least one physical fight during the previous year. One-fourth of the students had carried a weapon at school. Most students believed that they should fight if someone hits them (78.6%), hurts someone they care about (74.2%), insults someone in their family (58.6%), or breaks something of their on purpose (53.1%). Those engaging in drug use placed themselves more frequently in high-risk situations, carried weapons to school more often, and were more likely to be victims of violence. Violence was found to be relatively common in the rural schools on the periphery of a large metropolitan area. In addition, violent behavior was accompanied by maladaptive belief systems and associated with drug use.

 
Windle, M. (1994). Substance use, risky behaviors, and victimization among a U.S. national adolescent sample. Addiction, 89, 175-182. 
 

Using data from the National Adolescent Student Health Survey, the interrelations among substance use, risky (dangerous) behaviors, and victimization were studied among a sample of 8th and 10th grade students. Similar to earlier research, victimization was found to be associated with higher levels of substance use. The variable of risky behaviors was the most powerful predictor of level of victimization and also to be significantly correlated with substance use. For girls, higher levels of drug use and risky behaviors were associated with a higher level of victimization than was found for boys. This was found to be particularly true regarding attempts at forced sexual relations and having things taken by force. Implications for long-term and short-term health consequences with regard to risky behaviors and violent victimization are discussed.

Weapon-carrying and Adolescent Violence: 

DuRant, R. H., Getts, A. G., Cadenhead, C., & Woods, E. R. (1995). The association between weapon-carrying and the use of violence among adolescents living in or around public housing. Journal of Adolescence, 18, 579-592. 
 

Using a cross-sectional anonymous survey design, the author examined the respo nses of 225 Black adolescents, 11-19 years of age and living in or around nine HUD housing projects in Georgia. The two main dependent variables were the number of days within the 30 previous days that a weapon had been carried and the frequency that a hidden weapon had been carried within the previous year. A weapon was defined for the purpose of this study as a gun, knife, or club. Weapon carrying was measured using items from the Denver Youth Self-Reported Delinquency Questionnaire and the CDC's Youth Risk Behavior Survey. Data indicates that the number of days a weapon was carried during the previous 30 days was significantly correlated with previous exposure to violence and victimization scale, degree of family conflict, and severity of corporal punishment and discipline. It is argued that the data supports the cultural transmission theory. The theory proposes that the use of violence by adolescents' is learned within intimate primary group settings. It is further suggested that experiencing or being a victim of violence likely increases the degree to which an adolescent is prepared to use violence against others by carrying a weapon. The authors argue that their data suggest that weapon carrying by adolescents, while not itself a violent behavior, is associated with the same set of risk factors that are linked with the use of interpersonal violence. As such, weapon-carrying should be considered to be a part of the behavioral risk profile of aggression and violence.

Preventing Youth-related Violence: 

Brendtro, L. K., & Long, N. J. (1994). Violence begets violence: Breaking conflict cycles. Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Problems, 3 (1), 2-7. 
 

This article discusses the way in which the public responds to reports of increased violence of adolescents yet ignore the social underpinnings that exacerbates and drives youthful delinquency. Discussions center on the current punitive punishment response to adolescents who commit violent crimes, e.g., get tough and kill kids, and on understanding the conflict cycle wherein a youth is "caught up in a sequence of escalating events," and society literally fights violence with violence. The conflict cycle is demonstrated as having four inner-related circuitous properties: stress, feelings, behavior, and reaction. For an individual caught up in a sequence of escalating events the cycle can be described as: stress evoking irrational beliefs which trigger feelings of distress which drive defensive behavior and this behavior provokes reciprocal reactions (punishment) from society (or adult). The authors argue the war on violence must be fought like a three-front war utilizing primary prevention, early intervention, and the restoration of social bonds.

        Coie, J. D. (1996). Prevention of violence and antisocial behavior. In R. Peters & R. J. McMahon (Eds.), Preventing childhood disorders, substance abuse, and delinquency. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 
 

The author argues that before prevention trials for youth at-risk for violence or antisocial behavior can be developed research-based answers to some basic questions must be formulated. These questions include: who is the target of the intervention, the timing interval of the intervention, and the motivation of the at risk population. A developmental model of risk for adolescent antisocial behavior is offered. Implications of the developmental model for prevention include the ability for early identification of children most likely to engage in antisocial activity in adolescence, the advantages of implementing programs for early prevention of aggression an antisocial behavior, and the idea that risk is not a static characteristic of the child but rather a developmental process.

 
        Corvo, K. (1997). Community-based youth violence prevention: A framework for planners and founders. Youth & Society, 28 (3), 291-316. 
 

A conceptual framework is developed to guide those seeking to establish or enhance community-based youth violence prevention programs. Current approaches to prevention and intervention are reviewed along with the various explanatory models linked to these approaches. Among those discussed are: the Public Health Model, school-based conflict resolution/mediation, social skills training, family interventions, peer/gang interventions, rites of passage programs, mentoring, and community-based rehabilitation programs. Several suggestions are made for developing successful programs. These include specification of the problem to the service area, problem definitions based on theoretical or causal models compatible to the proposed program, youth violence considered a distinct phenomena that varies in severity, etiology, and conditions of enactment, youth violence understood with respect to its dynamics and psychosocial complexity can highlight opportunities, and the importance of locating, defining, and prioritizing risk factors provides precision and pragmatic guidance in program development.

 
        Creighton, A., & Kivel, P. (1992). Helping teens stop violence: A practical guide for counselors, educators, and parents. Emeryville, CA: Publishers Group West. 
 

This hands-on, practical guide to family and relationship violence prevention is presented by Allan Creighton, director of the Teen Program Battered Women's Alternatives, a comprehensive education and support service for youth dealing with abuse, and Paul Kivel, co-founder of the Oakland Men's Project, a multiracial community-based violence prevention program dedicated through education with youths, adults and communities to eliminating male violence and promoting cross-gender and cross-racial alliance. The material in this book focuses on how adults can be more powerful allies for young people. Specific sections deal with preparing teens for work, liberation theory and practice (i.e., power imbalance), and a family and dating violence program. Included within the topic areas are curriculums and classroom and workshop strategies, as well as techniques for conducting long-term support groups for those youth dealing with abuse.

       Guerra, N. G., Tolan, P. H., & Hammond, W. R. (1994). Prevention and treatment of adolescent violence. In L. D. Eron, J.H. Gentry, & P. Schlegel (Eds.), Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 
 

These authors focus on preventive and treatment interventions for aggression and violence among adolescents using a public health model of primary, secondary, and tertiary (treatment) programs. They conclude that at the individual level, programs focusing on social-cognitive skills appear to have the greatest impact on adolescence at the primary and secondary level, while at the systems level, programs directed at impacting environmental influences related to the learning of aggression appear to have the greatest impact. Among their recommendations are the need for development of evaluation methods that adequately reflect the diversity of approaches and the specific issues in applying prevention. It is suggested that in order to make any real difference, it is important to strive for an integration of individual, family, social group, and community interventions.

       Hampton, R. L., Jenkins, P., & Gullotta, T. P. (1996). Preventing violence in America. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 
 

This volume consists of a collection thirteen chapters by various authors who address violence and violence prevention in the United States. Among the topics addressed are the social context of violent behavior in families, the link between community and family violence, violence in communities of color, the value of including a "higher power" in preventing violence, and media influence. Some chapters are devoted specifically to issues of prevention. However, prevention and program development is a consistent theme throughout all the chapter presentations.

       Haugen, H. L. (1997). Prevention of youth violence: A resource guide for youth development and family life professionals and volunteers. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Cooperative Extension. 
 

The material in this publication is a revision of original research published by the Army Family Advocacy Program Prevention Resource Manual produced by the staff of the Cornell University Family Life Development Center. The revision is designed to allow access of the material by a wider audience of youth violence prevention professionals and volunteers. Among the topics discussed: risk and resiliency, violence prevention strategies, tips on selecting a successful program, and profiles on selected prevention programs. In addition there is a listing of youth violence prevention organizations complete with contact information.

       Hess, D. (1997). Violence prevention and service learning. Social Educator, 61 (5), 279-281. 
 

Service learning programs are being increasingly investigated as one aspect of comprehensive school-based violence prevention programs. Projects should contain four essential characteristics: meaningful activities, skills-based instruction, recognition of student effort, and clear expectations for non-violent behavior. It is cautioned that service learning programs are not a cure-all as no single program can adequately address any complex social problem. However, the author persuasively argues that social studies based service learning programs have the potential to reduce violence in schools when they provide students with meaningful activities, explicitly teach necessary skills, recognize effort, and have clear anti-violence norms.

       Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (1995). Why violence prevention programs don't work--and what does. Educational Leadership, 52 (5), 63-68.
 

It is argued that many violence prevention programs don't work because their aim is primarily to provide political cover for school officials and politicians rather than focus on the long-term needs of the students. What students need is to constructively learn how to manage conflict without physical or verbal violence. Reasons cited for the poor performance of many violence prevention programs are poor targeting, the providing of materials but failure to implement the program, confusing what works in neighborhoods with what works in schools, and an unrealistic understanding of the social forces that push youths towards violence. Several principles are suggested that may help schools accomplish their goals. These include: going beyond prevention to conflict resolution, realistic elimination of conflicts, creation of a cooperative context, decreasing in-school risk factors, the use of controversy to show that conflicts can be positive, and teaching all students how to constructively resolve conflicts.

       Pereira, C., & Rodriguez, K. (1997). Linking violence prevention and good social studies: Research and development. Social Education, 61 (5), 282-289.
 

Over a period of three years the Youth for Justice coalition designed and implemented school-based programs to test the hypothesis: would increasing the affinity for social institutions, such as law, government, and community, in combination with increased cognitive and social skills in those areas, result in changes in students beliefs and actions? Research sites were designed in Los Angeles and Chicago. Assessments were made regarding the extent to which the program increased knowledge in community awareness, including the meaning of community, its needs and problems, and the students role in influencing change; increases in cognitive skills relating to conflict perceptions and resolutions; attitudes related to resiliency; and influences on behavior with respect to participation in or reaction to violence. Three strategy components were incorporated: law-related, conflict resolution, and service learning with each strategy component including knowledge, skills, beliefs, and action components. Each of the strategy components put students in contact with outside resource persons and stress collaboration over competition or individual work. Although results are preliminary, the first year findings indicate that compared to a control group, program participants showed a significant decrease in normative beliefs about the acceptability of aggression.

       Powell, K. E, & Hawkins, D. F. (1996). Youth violence prevention: Descriptions and baseline data from 13 evaluation projects. A supplement to American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 12 (5), 1-134. 
 

This compilation details the results of 13 evaluation studies aimed at preventing and reducing adolescent violence. Among the programs evaluated are Richmond Youth Against Violence, The Students for Peace Project, Supporting Adolescents with Guidance and Employment, The Safe Dates Project, and PeaceBuilders. The prevention and intervention programs detailed consist of both school-based and community-based programs. These reports consider and supplement previous deficiencies in the evaluation literature. The deficiencies in the evaluation literature include: not heeding known epidemiologic patterns of violence, failing to differentiate types of violence, and failing to differentiate the levels of risk-influence addressed by intervention. These reports demonstrate that programs can and should be evaluated and that characteristics such as random assignment are plausible. In addition, they identify the importance of the setting in program implementation, program use, and program impact.

       Schaffner, L., Shick, S., & Stein, N. (1997). Changing policy in San Francisco: Girls in the juvenile justice system. Social Justice, 24 (4), 187(25). 
 

A community task force project was developed in response to concern with the circumstances of young girls in the San Francisco juvenile justice system; a system ignoring the fact that more and more girls were entering into the juvenile justice system. Among the challenges faced was that of looking at girls situated in a structural system that was built and dominated by males. Local political pressure was geared at reducing the rate of juvenile incarceration necessitating the need for preventive programs and alternatives to incarceration. Among the subjects reviewed by the author prior to making policy recommendations were the nature of the female offenses, a developmental perspective vs. adolescent delinquency, the medical, psychological, and emotional needs of young female offenders, and a review of placement alternatives. The authors argue that community task force efforts are effective agents of social change.

        Youth violence prevention: Research findings and peer led programs.Tucson, AZ: College of Agriculture, The University of Arizona 
 

The findings and programs presented in this work are the result of the combined efforts of the I nstitute of Children, Youth, and Families, School of Family and Consumer Resources, and the Arizona Cooperative Extension, 4-H Youth Development. The booklet is divided into two sections: current literature and peer led strategies. The current literature section covers the key theories of violence, trends in youth violence, and youth violence prevention and intervention information. The second section focuses on peer assisted learning and peer led youth violence prevention programs. An appendix provides researchers information from 25 peer led programs located in Michigan, southern Arizona, California, and the United Kingdom. These geographically diverse areas provided a wide variation in demographic and program formats. The program summaries are presented in a common format designed to assist the reader in locating pertinent information. According to the authors the summaries presented are "a compilation of real word, present day programs utilizing a peer assisted learning model." References and selected bibliographies are also included.

       Tolan, P., & Guerra, N. (1994). What Works in Reducing Adolescent Violence: An Empirical Review of the Field. Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence. 
 

Through an examination of available empirical evidence on the effects of existing programs directed toward reducing adolescent violence, the authors identify anti-violence programs that seem to work, that do not seem to work, and that have not been adequately evaluated. For this purpose violent behavior, e.g., serious and extreme behavior that is intended to cause physical harm to another person, is distinguished from aggressive behavior, which is often less extreme and not limited to physical harm. From epidemiological data four basic characteristics of violence emerge: violence is prevalent throughout our society, most violence occurs among acquaintances, adolescence is a time of heightened violence, and violence risk differs among adolescents. In addition, four types of adolescent violence are addressed: situational, relationship, predatory, and psychopathological. Interventions and their effectiveness/ineffectiveness are discussed in terms of individual-level interventions, e.g., psychological processes, social casework intervention, and biomedical methods, close interpersonal relation interventions, proximal social contexts interventions, and societal macrosystems.

       Trone, J., Armstrong, M., & Sullivan, M. (1998). Beyond blame and panic: Institutional strategies for preventing and controlling adolescent violence. New York: Vera Institute of Justice. 
 

This piece outlines strategies for reducing adolescent violence. Summarized are recent research findings and indicate solutions to the problem by describing practical innovations in courts, child welfare agencies, schools, and community-based organizations. A prominent theme running through the article concerns connecting adolescents to honest, unambiguous adults from these institutions. A brief overview of the problem of adolescent violence is followed by a look at courts, communities, and schools. An electronic version of this publication is available at http://www.vera.org.

Wolfe, D. A., Wekerle, C., & Scott, K. (1997). Alternatives to violence: Empowering youth to develop healthy relationships. Thousand Oaks, CA.: Sage Publications.
 

This book argues that youth, by virtue of their developmental level, motivation, current interests, and future needs are well suited for the investment of time and energy by researchers in developing programs intended to reduce intimate and interpersonal violence. In advocating and promoting healthy, nonviolent relationships, five main themes are developed: 1) the expression of violence is most commonly seen in the context of relationships; 2) current policies to address personal violence are outdated and superficial; 3) violence does not affect everyone equally--it is engrained in cultural expressions of power and inequality, and affects women, children, and minorities most significantly; 4) prevention of violence entails building on the positive (through empowerment) in the context of relationships, not just focusing on individual weaknesses or deviance; and 5) youth are important resources and part of the solution. This book is a companion piece to The Youth Relationship Manual: A Group Approach to the Prevention of Woman Abuse and the Promotion of Healthy Relationships.

 
       Wolfe, D. A., Wekerle, C., Reitzel-Jaffe, D., Grasley, C., Pittman, A., Lefebvre, L., & Stumpf, J. (1996). The youth relationship manual: A group approach for the prevention of woman abuse and the promotion of healthy relationships. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 
 

This manual is prepared for the express purpose of assisting adults in empowering adolescents ages 14-16 to end violence in relationships through education, skill development, and social competence. This program, The Youth Relationships Project, reflects an incremental change approach whereby adolescents first begin by learning about the issues and about themselves. The program then expands to effect changes within their peer groups, the teen culture, and the broader community. Through a youth-centered educational program young male adolescents are assisted in identifying and expressing feelings assertively, to recognize and respect personal rights of their female partners, and to own responsibility for their behaviors. Young adolescent females are taught to understand their personal rights, how to take care of their own safety, and how to express themselves assertively. Although originally designed as an after-school program it can be used as part of the educational curriculum. The manual contains detailed information on selecting facilitators, 18 sessions complete with a list of activities, and time frame guidelines for each of the activity segments provided. Sessions include issues surrounding power in relationships, relationship abuse, date rape, choosing partners, confronting sexism, media and sexism, and several sessions concerning getting to know the community and getting out and about in the community.

 
Victimization: 

Within the general population, children and adolescents are at significant risk for victimization and prevailing cultural attitudes greatly enhance this risk. However, within the population of children and adolescents, there are populations that have even higher risk for victimization. For these groups vulnerability to victimization is based on a differing sexual orientation, gender, or physical disabilities. Victimization may occur through sexual, physical, emotional, or verbal abuse and can have long-lasting negative psychological consequences. 

Davis, R. C., Lurigio, A. J., & Skogan, W. G. (1997). Victims of crime, 2nd edition. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 
 

This volume is a collection of work by various researchers in the area of crime victimization, identifies recent advances and research, policies, and programs in crime victimization. Part one focuses on victimization and its effects. Topics discussed include patterns of criminal victimization, sexual assault, the developmental victimology of children, hate crimes, and the psychological consequences of crime. The second part of the volume focuses on providing assistance to victims including violence prevention through victim assistance an d victim rights and services. Part three looks at the criminal justice response to the victim. Extensive references and a detailed index are provided.

        Eron, L. D., Gentry, J. H., & Schlegel, P. (1994). Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on violence and youth. Washington, D. C.: American Psychological Association. 
 

Part three of this book contains chapters dealing with populations vulnerable to victimization. Susan Sorenson and Patricia Bowie discuss specifically the vulnerabilities of girls and young women. Following a brief overview of factors contributing to female victimization, the authors briefly discuss and cite relevant literature regarding specific categories of female victimization, specifically, homicide, child physical abuse and sexual assault, and dating violence. Anthony D'Augelli and Lawrence Dark discuss the victimization of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth, focusing upon patterns of victimization in family and peer domains. In conclusion they discuss public policy recommendations and intervention strategies. Judith Levey and Vasilios Lagos review recent research and literature related to youth with disabilities emphasizing research pertaining to physical abuse, sexual abuse, or both. Included are treatment and prevention program recommendations, public policy recommendations, and future research needs.

      Jensen, G.F., & Brownfield, D. (1986). Gender, lifestyles, and victimization: Beyond routine activity. Violence and Victims, 1 (2), 85-99. 
 

Beginning with a theoretical review and critique of lifestyle theory and opportunity theory, the authors tested whether gender, routine activities, and delinquent activities were correlates to adolescent victimization. Results taken from the data indicate that activities that involve the pursuit of fun are more victimogenic than activities that passively put individuals at risk, victimization and delinquent activity are positively related, when controlling for delinquent activity, gender differences in victimization are reduced.

        Kuther, T. L., & Fisher, C. B. (1998). Victimization by community violence in young adolescents from a suburban city. Journal of Early Adolescence, 18 (1), 53-76. 
 

A sample of 123 6th-8th grade students were tested using an exploratory model of victimization-distress relation. Participants were predominately from middle-to upper-middle-class families. Self-reports were measured using Youth's Victimization by Community Violence Questionnaire, Assertiveness Scale for Adolescents, Ways of Coping Questionnaire, Perceived Social Support Scale from Family, Revised Children's Manifest Anxiety Scale, and the Hopelessness Scale for Children. Focus groups were assembled after data collection in order to explore participant definitions of violence. Results indicated that over one-half of the students reported being victimized by community violence. Violent incidents were defined by the groups as those incidents in which student safety was endangered, whether by threatened or actual confrontations. This included being chased, hit, mugged, and wounded.

        
       Lauritsen, J. L., Laub, J. H., & Sampson, R. J. (1992). Conventional and delinquent activities: Implications for the prevention of violent victimization among adolescents. Violence and Victims, 7(2), 91-108. 
 

Data from the National Youth Survey (NYS) and the Monitoring the Future Study: A Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth (MTF) were used to investigate the relationship between activity involvement and the risk of assault and robbery victimization among adolescents in the United States. The findings suggest that certain adolescent activities have a higher correlation to the risk of violence, such that those adolescents who engage in delinquent activities are at the highest risk of assault and robbery victimization. Among the implications presented the authors suggest that only certain adolescent activities appear to be related to victimization risk, conventional activities have little effect on risk once socio-economic characteristics and delinquency are accounted for, and a key component in the prevention of adolescent violence is delinquency prevention.

 
 

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